-100 BCE to 313 CE: The Samhan (삼한 ; 三韓), Continued


Welcome to the History of Korea. I’m your host, Allen Lee. In this episode, we talk about the Three States of Samhan.
[intro music] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nmY3X5dE9HQ

Today we explore how Seoul became the birthplace of K-pop and why so many modern Korean presidents came from the area around Daegu. I’m kidding. This will be the first time that we talk about the ancestors who would eventually form favorite cities such as Seoul, Busan, Daegu and even Jeju Island. I’m only joking a little bit, because as we begin to paint a picture of the earliest south Koreans you’ll definitely see the roots of the personalities and characteristics of each region that are shaped by the land, sea, topography and natural resources, and the early movement of man caused thereby.
In the penultimate episode we were chugging along one timeline from 2M years ago to 313 CE when Goguryeo kicked out the Chinese Jin Empire from the Korean peninsula. But because we had spent most of our time in the north, in the ultimate episode we had to checkout to a commit dated 400 BCE, fork, proceed along a parallel timeline, this time following the history of Korea just south of the 38th parallel. After this episode we will fetch and merge into the master. Shoutout to all my git homies.
I may have been half-way joking about k-pop, but we do get a rare look at a Korea which is free from large scale foreign invasions and thus able to evolve on its own. We learned about the Jin State of Korea and also about how the political structure of southern Korea at the time revolved around an organic-like set of building blocks. The smallest unit was a village, which clustered into towns, which then were organized into statelets. We learned about how these statelets matured into mini-polities, which then allowed them to be further grouped into confederacies.
Today we’ll learn how these statelets eventually formed three large states that we collectively call the Samhan. We’ll take a deep dive into each one and relate them to the South Korea that we know and love today, aided by a reading of source material. In addition to the same resources from the last episode, I’ll also be relying on the work of Lee Jaehyun of the Ulsan Development Institute.

First I want to help you visualize Samhan on a map. Picture modern day South Korea. I’m vastly simplifying here, but 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) basically spanned the entire west half. That means Incheon and Seoul. It also includes Daejeon and Kwangju and the entire western seaboard, maybe even Jeju. It’s the largest and oldest Samhan, and would eventually become Baekche.
Now consider the eastern half. The top half was actually peopled by the Ye, who we talked about eventually settling Goguryeo. We’re not talking about them so forget about them for now.
Now picture the remaining quarter. Bisect that horizontally and the top half of that is 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓), and it roughly encompasses Gyeongsang-do, which eventually would become the capital of Silla, and to this day is a cultural and political powerhouse where many of South Korea’s presidents are from.
변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓) is right below that. It’s the smallest. It’s basically the tip of the bottom of the peninsula, and encompasses Busan. It may not have the cultural pull of 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓), but it has the ports that face Japan.
So purely as a mnemonic device for us: 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) is Seoul + western farmland; 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) is southeastern cultural center; and 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓) is southern port facing Japan. I wanted to mention that upfront as we’re going to discuss the history of the Samhan in general before getting into the details of each state.

200 BCE
We talked about the statelets and the kind of organic growth that the statelets in southern Korea experienced, and how they were able to do so because they were largely free of large foreign invasions. It reminds me a bit of Indonesia in the 1st millennium when the kingdom of Srivijaya blossomed among the archipelago. Yes there was interaction with the Indian Kingdoms but mostly Indonesia was able to grow on its own. Probably even more comparable would be Japan — the magic formula being the freedom to evolve on your own terms with the voluntary import of intellectual property from outside.
Statelets were collections of towns. For example the 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) statelet of 사로 (Saro ; 斯盧) was made up of ten towns. Each statelet had a capital town. Each town had a chief. In the formative phase, there was not a large power gap between the constituent towns and the capital town, thus inhibiting real political consolidation. Nevertheless, the chief of the capital towns were imbued with representative power with respect to external relations.
Around 200 BCE, consolidation, however, did occur by means of economic, military and ritual activities. Wiman Joseon’s fall might have caused a temporary decline in trade, but that quickly picked up after Lelang Commandery was established in the 1st century BCE. As foreign goods and information from China flowed into the Samhan, statelets were incentivized to consolidate better to trade for such goods, including iron and wajil pottery, as well as the intellectual capital necessary to use them.
Meanwhile, perhaps not coincidentally, tension between statelets increased, necessitating statelets to form cohesive military units. Tombs from this period unearthed today show a significant increase in weapons buried alongside chiefs. Furthermore, we find more walled enclosures during this period.
Finally, spiritual ritual served to bind towns within a statelet together. During this time, Samhan statelets designated one individual, cheongun (천군; 天君), to serve as the spiritual head, overseeing ritual sacrifices, for example. This is in contrast to earlier Slender Dagger societies in the 3rd and 2nd BCE in which the village chief served as the spiritual head as well. Ritual sacrifices served to gather important people from the towns to pray for peace, solidarity, etc.
Starting from the 2nd century, historical and material evidence show a rapid rise in centralization of authority within the statelet. The 사로 (Saro ; 斯盧) statelet, for example, is known to have built a Hall of Government Affairs in 138 CE and the South Hall in 249 CE. Thus the capital towns began to grow in power vis a vis their constituent town counterparts.
This coincided with significant growth in economic and military power of the statelets. The Sanguozhi states that during the reigns of the emperors Huan and Ling (around 146-189 CE), the Han strengthened significantly and the commanderies were not able to control them. Material evidence bears this out when the tombs of the statelet chiefs increase dramatically in size and quantity of goods in relation to regular chiefs.
The use of iron implements vastly increased agricultural productivity and construction of irrigation systems, leading to larger amounts of arable land. Concurrently, iron seems to have created more distinct social strata in which the ruling classes gained a greater hold on authority over the commoners.
While 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) might have been larger and closer to trade with the Lelang and therefore with China, it was 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) and 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓) that had more available iron resources, thus becoming net exporters of iron to 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), the Ye, Wa and the commanderies.
Since the production of iron requires specialization, a few members of the ruling class had from an early period monopolized access to both iron ore and production technologies. 탈해 King Tarhae, the progenitor of the Sok lineage of the 사로 statelet, was a smelter, and was worshipped posthumously as a smelting god. – Yi
Like contemporary statelets in Japan, these statelets had their own markets in which they traded goods, while iron ingots, representing iron currency, are often excavated from tombs across 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) and 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓), indicating uniformity of size and weight.
Thus the Samhan had become a complex interregional trade network interconnecting the Korean statelets with the Chinese commanderies and Wa. In particular, the Kuya statelet in 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓), or present day Gimhae (which is just north of Busan) became an important seaport.
Fast forwarding to the early third century, you start to see evidence of these newly matured statelets grouping together to form confederacies. Maybe not confederacies large enough to constitute one of the Samhan, but large enough and organized enough to start dictating trade for the rest of the statelets around them.
For example, during this time the most powerful confederacy in 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) was led by the statelet of 목지국 (Mokji ; 目支國); scientists are still searching for the exact location but we do know it’s near the Asan Bay, which is in Chungcheong-do on the west coast. Again, the theory is that this region of 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) was able to develop earlier than in the north because they didn’t have to face the direct turmoil of the fall of Gojoseon and the rise of the Chinese commanderies.
By the 2nd half of the 3rd century, we have irrefutable record of the three large confederacies, 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) and 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓). We know that because by this time, the Jinshu 晉 書 (History of the Jin Dynasty) records multiple instances of tribute missions from 276-291 with the names 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) and 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓). (I’ll explain these in detail in a minute.)
The biggest impetus might have been Samhan’s desire to trade with China. Records state that 1,000 people had received official robes, caps and seals with cordons from the Chinese commanderies, which was their ticket for participating in trade with the Chinese.
마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓)
The statelets in the north of 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) near the commanderies joined together and gained clout. Culturally and ethnically they differed from the 목지국 (Mokji ; 目支國), and they maintained relations with the Ye tribes. This confederacy is solidly in Kyeonggi-do, which is the province in which Seoul now sits.
Thus the center of power in 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) shifted northward towards modern day Seoul based partially on those statelet’s control over trade. But equally important was the development of their military. Having to contend with the Chinese commanderies had initially slowed their development, but ultimately forced them to increase their military solidarity. This is best demonstrated when the Wei instituted a policy to break up the increasing power of the Samhan.
(not long after the Chinese Wei empire defeated the military warlord Gongsun and recaptured control of the commanderies on the peninsula around 239 CE, )
Not having any of this, the 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) statelets in the Kyonggi region grouped together and attacked Daifang’s Qili Camp in 246, causing the death of the Daifeng governor.
One interesting change shows how interconnected the world is. After the Wei Empire fell in 265, the Western Jin empire took over Lelang and Daifang commanderies. The Jin then shifted the locus of trade with Samhan to far away Liaodong. This precipitated the change in the power structure away from 목지국 (Mokji ; 目支國), in Chungcheong-do, to the Kyeonggi-do statelets including Baekje.
The Kyonggi statelets would eventually form the basis of the kingdom of Baekje, which we will cover later.
진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) AND 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓)
Meanwhile, in the eastern neighbor 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓), the opposite was occurring. Whereas in 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), the center of power shifted from south to north, in 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) the center of power shifted from the Kyongsangbukdo region to the south, to cities such as Gyeongju, Ulsan and Pohang and Gimhae.
We also start to see more sophisticated politics occurring within a region. For example, Kyungsangbookdo’s power began to wane in the late 3rd century, even though it had the best access to Lelang’s prestige goods than down south. In contrast, iron-rich Gimhae, Ulsan and Gyeongju gained relative power during this period.
What determined power earlier was access to prestige goods from Lelang such as Chinese bronze mirrors. Later, however, it was the proximity to natural resources that allowed Gimhae and other statelets to expand their power. One policy was to require that important officials get buried with tons of goods such as iron, ceramic and lacquer items. By enforcing this policy, states such as those in Gimhae imposed large costs on their neighbors, thus establishing a sort of social dominance. What you see is the indigenous people asserting their independence from foreign influence.
This is evolution and Darwinism at its best, viewed within a petri dish of a southern Korea largely absent of interference by outsiders.
A few thoughts on the Wa Kingdom, or Japan. During this period, there was a lot of maritime trade occurring between China, Korea and Japan. However, despite Samhan being much closer to Japan, because Lelang (which is near modern day Pyeongyang) was where the Chinese set up their headquarters, so to speak, for regional trade, the records and material evidence corroborate that most of the trade centered north of Samhan. The Sanguozhi is quite detailed in mapping out the trade route. It went from the Island of Tsushima and Iki in Kyushu, stopped in Gimhae (near Busan), and then traveled along the west coast of 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) up to Pyeongyang.
Material evidence corroborates this, as archeologists are always digging up artifacts from China and Korea and Japan along this route.
As a summary, we’ve discussed in detail the formation of the Samhan and their development from loosely joined towns called statelets, into developed statelets led by a capital town, to loosely organized groups of statelets, and how some of these statelets started to assert themselves as ruling statelets such as the 목지국 (Mokji ; 目支國) in southern 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) and 사로 (Saro ; 斯盧) in the east.
We now have a clearer picture of how these confederacies ended up as Samhan. It was just the natural evolution in which they were headed. As statelets competed with each other via prestige goods, then access to natural resources and political maneuvering, a hierarchy is formed. Now imagine these statelets grouping together, out of common interest (or perhaps coercion). One of those interests is cutting better deals with the Chinese.
Which leads us to the definitive proof that all these statelets had organized into three states. It’s the record on the Chinese side of tributary missions to the Chinese commanderies.

In the Jinshu there is a careful record of twelve years of trade missions from southern Korea to the Jin Empire via Lelang in the years 276 to 291. In it there’s a record of the year, month, group, and how many polities were represented. Some years had two missions each, for a total of eighteen missions.
Mahan and Jinhan are recorded there, as well as 신미국 (Sinmiguk; 新彌國), a statelet in Mahan.
Byeonhan is not mentioned in this account but is mentioned in other historical records.
But the nature of this record is the starting point for another question: What kind of polity was Samhan, exactly?
The prevailing answer now is that it was not a kingdom or state in the same way Gojoseon was.
We know that because there were at least two entities that sent missions to the Jin under the name “마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓)”. In 282 and 289, the 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) tribute was led by the 신미국 (Sinmiguk; 新彌國) in the Yongsan River region; while in other times it was the Baekje statelet that led the tribute.
The same occurs in 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓), in which the number of participating statelets varies according to the mission. Perhaps participation in the trade mission was voluntary; or perhaps some statelets refused or were too destitute to participate.
Historians surmise that Samhan was more like a confederacy. You may remember that Gojoseon had a king with a title and, at the least, titular and official reign over all his subjects (obviously, with varying degrees in practicality). As far as we know, the Samhan did not have this kind of long-lasting, central authority.
This is an important distinction to make because the story of state formation in southern Korea is a story of how prehistoric man turned to towns, and then into statelets, and how eventually the kingdoms of Baekje and Silla would evolve from the confederacies of Samhan.
We would be doing grave injustice to Baekje and Silla if we did not distinguish them from the Samhan. Samhan had many of the characteristics of a political entity and we can even call them states. But we should make clear that they fundamentally differed from Baekje and Silla.
마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓)
For sure, 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) is the largest and most advanced. Historians guess that it was the original Han, and that ex post facto was re-labeled 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) to distinguish it from 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) and 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓). 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) might have been sort of a split off from 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), for example.
The statelets in 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) were larger than those in its cousins, including those in modern day Seoul. Just think about that for a second: all the histories we discussed regarding the northern kingdoms of Gojoseon and Goguryeo, at least earlier in the time period, were all happening north of Seoul, and in some cases north of the current North/South Korean border. So the states we’re talking about now, including Jin and 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), are solidly based in the Republic of Korea.
Having said that, it seems the start of 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) culture was not in Seoul (or the Gyeonggido region), but south of that in Chungcheong and Cheolla. Material evidence suggests these statelets formed earlier than those in Gyeonggi Do, maybe because the northern states had to deal with the Chinese commanderies.
After the second cen­tury A.D., however, the Paekche polity 伯濟國 that occupied the lower Han valley underwent rapid growth due to various factors including the relocation of people from Lelang as well as the region’s advantageous geographic placement allowing it access to the Yellow Sea maritime-trade network. – Lee Jaehyun
Here I read from historian Byington’s recent translation of Hou Hanshu 後漢書 (History of the Eastern Han Dynasty; aka History of the Later Han). The volume is: “Biographies of the Eastern Yi” (東夷列傳): The book, as it were, is entitled, The Account of the [Korean] Han. Here is the opening paragraph:
There are three kinds of Han: the first is 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), the second Chinhan, and the third Pyonjin. 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) lies in the west, and it has fifty-four polities. It adjoins Lelang on the north and Wa on the south. Chinhan lies in the east and has twelve polities. It adjoins Yemaek on the north. Pyonjin lies to the south of Chinhan, and it has twelve polities. It also adjoins Wa on the south. In all they have seventy-eight polities, among which is the polity of Paekche
This reminds me of “all of Gaul is divided into three parts”, which is the beginning of Julius Caesar’s account of the Gallic War (58 BCE); these two histories cover a period not too far apart, although the Hanshu was written well after the fact in around 5th century CE.
Of course the account has to be dry; these historians were more aware than anyone the significance of their words; they were literally writing with us in mind. If there’s one kingdom that has a sense of history in terms of millennia it’s the Chinese.

More from this account:
마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) people know how to till fields and engage in sericulture. They make brocade cloth and produce large chestnuts as big as pears, and they have long-tailed chickens with tails five chi in length. Their villages lie intermixed, and they also have no walled towns. They build earthen chambers shaped like tomb mounds, on top of which they make a door. They do not know to kneel or bow, and they do not distinguish between old and young or male and female. They do not value gold or fine fabric, and they do not know how to ride oxen or horses. They only value stone beads, which they sew into clothing as decoration or wear suspended from their necks or ears. In general they wear nothing on their heads but coil up their hair into wedge-shaped knots, and they wear cloth robes and straw sandals.
So as a Korean, I am often very curious about what the “true” Korea looked like. I’d use the term “pure” but that’s obviously a very charged word. Most of us are the same way; since every country over time has been influenced by constant interaction with different cultures, it’s impossible to know what customs, habits and beliefs are truly yours. In a sense, nothing is truly Korean, in the same way nothing is truly English, or Swedish. There has been too much intermixing. Having said that, what can we say about the Korean culture before the influence of China and the steppes people?
We have to make allowances for the perspective of the author of these words, obviously. Not even the best historians are without bias. Nevertheless, I’d argue that this is one of the best snapshots we have of an indigenous Korean culture. The Korean Han people were on the southern tip of the peninsula, and were less influenced by the rest of the continent north of them, namely China and the steppes people. We also know that during this time, although there was a lot of interaction across the sea with Japan, the direction was most likely Han to Japan, rather than the other way (as it was in the modern era).
So to the extent that it’s possible, this description of 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) by the Chinese is the best historiographical evidence of indigenous customs. I’ll read on:
Their people are tough and brave. When their young men work to build chambers, they pierce the skin of their backs with rope and hang from this a large piece of wood and sing [as they work], considering this to be beneficial for their health.
They usually perform sacrifice to the gods and spirits in the fifth month at the end of planting, drinking and gathering together day and night. They sing and dance in groups, and when dancing several tens of people follow each other, stepping on the ground in har­mony. They do this again in the tenth month when the farm work is done.
I don’t have any comment on the practice of hanging signs from a piercing in your back other than to say that the rope and sign must have been lightweight.
However I do note that the Chinese saw fit to emphasize the Mahan’s penchant for singing while they work and also singing and dancing in rhythm. I’m not saying it’s BTS’ lineage, but I’m not not saying that, either.
The various central townships each select one person to oversee the sacrifice to the spirit of heaven, whom they call the Lord of Heaven (cheongun). They also set up 소도 sodo, erecting a large log from which they suspend bells and drums to serve the spirits.

The sodo is really interesting; pictures of these large logs exist online, and they look kind of like native american totem poles but without the carvings of the figures on the trunk. Instead you have these wooden protrusions at the top of the log that kind of look like wooden ducks, and presumably the cheongun would have hung bells and drums from these protrusions.
Also, the Korean internet says that the sodo had their version of sanctuary. 소도 seem to have referred to a specified area which was deemed sacred. Criminals could escape to the 소도 and they were given protection from the civil and military authorities.
Their southern borders are near the Wa, so there are also some who tattoo their bodies.

진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓)
The written records specifically state that 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) was formed from an influx of immigrants from both the state of Jin and Joseon into present day Kyeongsang-do (that would be around Daegu).
In Chinhan, the elders say that there were refu­gees from Qin who came to avoid harsh service, so they went to the Han polities, and Mahan separated some of its territories on its eastern borders and gave it to them. They refer to a state as a country, bows as crescents, thieves as bandits, and drinking spirits as imbibing wine.
One comment on this is the habit of drinking spirits; my understanding is that spirits in the peninsula were mostly imported from the north via the steppes. Maybe the Jinhan had picked up these habits from the steppes people or from the Chinese.
They refer to one another as “con­frere,” in which they are similar to Qin people, there­ fore some refer to them as Qin-Han 秦韓.
They have walled towns and palisades, houses and chambers. The various small detached villages each have chieftains. The greatest are called 신지 (臣智), the next being 검측 (儉側), then 번예(樊濊), then 살해 (殺奚), and then 읍차 (邑借).
The account goes on to describe 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓), which unlike 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) had walled towns, and produced iron for which the Ye, Wa and 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) came to barter.
Their custom is to enjoy singing, dancing, and drinking and playing the zither.
I’m just going to leave that right there and mention that two of the BTS members were born in Daegu, which is in Jinhan.
When a baby is born they like to make its head narrow, so they always press it with stones.
Their land is rich and beautiful, good for producing the five grains. They know how to cultivate the silkworm, and they pro­duce a fine silk cloth. They ride oxen and horses and have them pull carts. In their marriage practices they have rites. Travelers yield the road to one another.
Oxen and horses were much more common north of Korea, and so it’s possible they adopted these practices from either the Chinese or the northern kingdoms.
Parts of all of Jinhan eventually become Silla, the powerhouse kingdom that eventually conquers the entire peninsula with the aid of Tang China. So it’s not a surprise to note that Jinhan might have been the most multicultural from the get-go. If much of its formation was due to migration from the Chinese Qin as well as from those escaping the fall of Gojoseon, then it’s not a stretch to say that they had a head start in sociopolitics, technology and learning.
Six out of the twelve presidents of the Republic of Korea are from the Gyeongsang-do region, in other words Jinhan.

변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓)
변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓), being the smallest Han, gets somewhat short shrift here; the histories merely mentioning that they were very similar in culture to 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓). Material evidence supports this. Even as late as the 2nd century, burial practices and artifacts showed a similarity to 진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓). We know that the 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓) statelets would eventually become Kaya Confederacy (a topic which we will cover soon enough).
I had talked about the importance of Samhan to the Three Kingdoms period and it’s worth repeating here: it’s not mere coincidence that southern Korea during this time split into three states. In addition to natural boundaries provided by mountains, climates and rivers, there was a matter of ethnicity, migration patterns and natural resources.
Of the 변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓) they wrote:
The Pyonjin reside intermixed with the Chin- han, with whom they share similar walled towns and clothing, but there are differences in their languages and customs. Their people are all tall and large. Their hair is beautiful, their clothing is clean, and their punishments and laws are rigid and strict. Their country lies near the Wa, so they tend to tattoo their bodies.
And lastly, a shout-out to a certain island off the coast of 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓):
To the west of 마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓), on an island in the sea, there is the polity of Chuho. Its people are short and small, they shave their heads, and they wear leather clothes with a top but no bottom. They are good at raising cows and pigs. They come and go by boat, trading in the markets of the Han.
Can you guess what island they’re referring to? Yes, it’s Jeju, which we haven’t talked about a lot yet but definitely will in the future.
So this takes us to around 313 CE when Goguryeo defeats the Lelang Commandery for good, driving out the Chinese Jin Empire and setting up an internal showdown between its southern rivals Silla and Baekche. This is commonly known as the real Three Kingdoms period of Korea and it’s as exciting as it sounds. So until next time, keep researching!
변한 (변한 (Byeonhan ; 弁韓) ; 弁韓)
변진 (Byeonjin ; 弁辰)
마한 (마한 (Mahan ; 馬韓) ; 馬韓)
진한 (진한 (Jinhan ; 辰韓) ; 辰韓)
바둑 (Baduk, Go ; 圍棋)
세형동검문화 (Slender Bronze Dagger Culture ; 細形銅劍文化)
사로 (사로 (Saro ; 斯盧) ; 斯盧)
목지국 (목지국 (Mokji ; 目支國) ; 目支國)
염사 (Yeomsa ; 廉斯)
한염사읍군 (Fief Lord of Han [Chinas] Yomsa [township] ; 漢廉斯邑君)
후한 광무제 (Emperor Guangwu of Later Han ; 後漢光武帝)
신미국 (Sinmiguk; 新彌國)
소국 (statelet ; 小國)
소도 (Sodo ; 蘇塗)
탈해 이사금, 토해 이사금 (Tarhae of Silla ; 脫解尼師今, 吐解尼師今)

천군;Cheongun ( 天君)

마한 사회의 형성, 이현혜.
Somasi https://terms.naver.com/entry.naver?docId=557634&cid=46620&categoryId=46620
[출처: 한국민족문화대백과사전(Salt luxury (廉斯鑡))]

Dongyizhuan 東 夷 傳 (Account of the Eastern Yi) in the Sanguozhi 三 國 志 (Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms), Chen Shou 陳 壽
The Account of the Han from the “Biographies of the Eastern Yi” 東夷列傳 in the Hou Hanshu 後漢書, or History of the Eastern Han Dynasty)
Barnes, Gina. State Formation in Korea (Durham East Asia Series). Taylor and Francis. Kindle Edition.
The Early History of Korea. Gardiner, Kenneth H.J. 1965: ANU Press (no mention Jin)
Byington, Mark E., editor. Early Korea: The Samhan Period in Korean History,
Lee, Ki-baik (Author), Edward W. Wagner (Translator), Edward J. Schultz (Contributor). A New History of Korea. 1988, Harvard University Press (no mention Jin state)
Yu Chai-Shin. The New History of Korean Civilization. 2012: iUniverse. (no mention Jin state)
“Biographies of the Eastern Yi” (東夷列傳)

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